02-19-2017  8:43 am      •     

COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) -- A former Somali military colonel now living in Ohio ordered the detention and torture of a lawyer and human rights advocate in Somalia in 1988, an ordeal that permanently crippled the victim, according to a federal lawsuit filed Wednesday.
The lawsuit claims Abdi Aden Magan authorized the torture of Abukar Hassan Ahmed when Magan served as investigations chief of the National Security Service of Somalia, a force dubbed the "Gestapo of Somalia."
Ahmed, now retired in London, says the three months of torture he endured make it painful for him to sit and injured his bladder so much that he is incontinent.
Ahmed suffered from "threatened infliction of severe physical pain or suffering, the threat of imminent death, and the resulting psychological damage that persists to this day," the lawsuit said.
The suit in U.S. District Court seeks unspecified damages from Magan, who served under Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, according to the filing.
The allegations are a chance for Ahmed to tell the world what happened to him, said Andrea Evans, legal director of the Center for Justice & Accountability, a San Francisco-based center that has brought a number of similar lawsuits.
"We see it as a much broader call for justice than just financial gain," Evans said. "It really is kind of telling history accurately."
Ahmed fled Somalia in 1989 just ahead of being arrested again, living later in Italy and then London, where he received political asylum and became a citizen, according to the lawsuit.
For his part, Magan left Somalia after the government collapsed in 1991 and eventually came to the United States and then Columbus where he joined his wife, Evans said.
A man outside Magan's apartment at first said he was Magan, then said he wasn't and declined to comment Wednesday after he was shown the lawsuit. A message was left at his apartment and at a phone listing for him. Court records did not list an attorney for him.
Columbus has the country's second-largest population of Somalis after the Minneapolis area. Many emigrated from refugee camps in Kenya, attracted by Ohio's low cost of living and, at least in the 1990s, plentiful jobs.
The lawsuit was filed under the Alien Tort Statute, an 18th-century law which can allow damages for violations of international law, and the Torture Victims Protection Act that permits non-citizens to seek damages for torture and illegal killings abroad if the alleged perpetrators live in or have assets in the U.S.
The complaint alleges that under Magan, the security forces "systematically targeted ordinary citizens perceived as opponents of the Barre regime and subjected them to prolonged arbitrary detention, brutal interrogation, and torture."
The suit said Ahmed was arrested on Nov. 20, 1988, detained and accused of being a contributing writer to Amnesty International, a human rights group that had advocated on behalf of Ahmed years earlier when he was in prison.
Ahmed was also accused of being a member of a rebel group protesting the Barre regime. Authorities held Ahmed in a windowless cell on a starvation diet with no toilet and interrogated him day and night, according to the lawsuit.
On Feb. 8, 1988, two military officers who said they were acting on Magan's authority tortured Ahmed by beating and choking him and crushing his genitals with iron instruments, the lawsuit said.
Ahmed was released in March 1989, then harassed by security officers for four months before fleeing the country, according to the complaint.
Similar lawsuits have been brought in recent years against ex-military officials living in the U.S. and accused of torture in Bosnia, El Salvador, Haiti, Liberia and Peru.
The U.S. Supreme Court is debating the merits of a lawsuit involving alleged wrongdoing by another Somali government official from the same era. That case has broad implications for the future of such lawsuits.
At issue is whether foreign officials, not just countries and their agencies, receive immunity in federal court from being sued for their actions while in power.
Mohamed Ali Samantar was defense minister and prime minister of Somalia in the 1980s and early 1990s under Barre. He now lives in Virginia and is being sued by victims who say he was responsible for killings, rapes and torture, including waterboarding.


Recently Published by The Skanner News

  • Default
  • Title
  • Date
  • Random
  • WASHINGTON (AP) — One month after the inauguration, the stretch of Pennsylvania Avenue in front of Donald Trump's White House still is a hard-hat zone. Skeletal remains of the inaugural reviewing stands poke skyward. Random piles of plywood and cables are heaped on the ground inside crooked lines of metal fencing. The disarray outside the president's front door, though not his fault, serves as a metaphor for the tumult still unfolding inside. Four weeks in, the man who says he inherited "a mess" at home and abroad is presiding over a White House that is widely described as itself being a mess. At a stunning pace, Trump has riled world leaders and frustrated allies. He was dealt a bruising legal blow on one of his signature policies. He lost his national security adviser and his pick for labor secretary to scandal. He's seen forces within his government push back against his policies and leak confidential information. All of this has played out amid a steady drip of revelations about an FBI investigation into his campaign's contacts with Russian intelligence officials. Trump says his administration is running like a "fine-tuned machine." He points to the rising stock market and the devotion of his still-loyal supporters as evidence that all is well, although his job approval rating is much lower than that for prior presidents in their first weeks in office. Stung by the unrelenting criticism coming his way, Trump dismisses much of it as "fake news" delivered by "the enemy of the people" — aka the press. Daily denunciations of the media are just one of the new White House fixtures Americans are adjusting to. Most days start (and end) with presidential tweets riffing off of whatever's on TV talk shows or teasing coming events or hurling insults at the media. At some point in the day, count on Trump to cast back to the marvels of his upset of Democrat Hillary Clinton in the November election and quite possibly overstate his margins of support. Expect more denunciations of the "dishonest" press and its "fake news." From there, things can veer in unexpected directions as Trump offers up policy pronouncements or offhand remarks that leave even White House aides struggling to interpret them. The long-standing U.S. policy of seeking a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? Trump this past week offered this cryptic pronouncement: "I'm looking at two-state and one-state, and I like the one that both parties like. I can live with either one." His U.N. ambassador, Nikki Haley, the next day insisted, "We absolutely support a two-state solution." Trump's days are busy. Outside groups troop in for "listening sessions." Foreign leaders call or come to visit. (Or, in the case of Mexico's president, cancel out in pique over Trump's talk about the planned border wall.) After the president signed two dozen executive actions, the White House was awaiting a rush order of more of the gold-plated Cross pens that Trump prefers to the chrome-plated ones used by his predecessor. Trump hands them out as souvenirs at the signing ceremonies that he points to as evidence of his ambitious pace. "This last month has represented an unprecedented degree of action on behalf of the great citizens of our country," Trump said at a Thursday news conference. "Again, I say it. There has never been a presidency that's done so much in such a short period of time." That's all music to the ears of his followers, who sent him to Washington to upend the established order and play the role of disrupter. "I can't believe there's actually a politician doing what he says he would do," says an approving Scott Hiltgen, a 66-year-old office furniture sales broker from River Falls, Wisconsin. "That never happens." Disrupt Trump has. But there may be more sound and fury than substance to many of his early actions. Trump did select Judge Neil Gorsuch to replace the late Antonin Scalia on the Supreme Court, a nomination that has drawn strong reviews from conservatives. But the president is regrouping on immigration after federal judges blocked his order to suspend the United States' refugee program and ban visitors from seven Muslim-majority countries, which had caused chaos for travelers around the globe. Some other orders on issues such as the U.S.-Mexico border wall and former President Barack Obama's health care law are of limited effect. Trump says his early actions show he means to deliver on the promises he made during the campaign. "A lot of people say, 'Oh, oh, Trump was only kidding with the wall,'" the president told a group of police chiefs recently. "I wasn't kidding. I don't kid." But the Republican-led Congress is still waiting to see specifics on how Trump wants to proceed legislatively on top initiatives such as replacing the health care law, enacting tax cuts and revising trade deals. The messy rollout of the travel ban and tumult over the ouster of national security adviser Michael Flynn for misrepresenting his contacts with Russia are part of a broader state of disarray as different figures in Trump's White House jockey for power and leaks reveal internal discord in the machinations of the presidency. "I thought by now you'd at least hear the outlines of domestic legislation like tax cuts," says Princeton historian Julian Zelizer. "But a lot of that has slowed. Trump shouldn't mistake the fact that some of his supporters like his style with the fact that a lot of Republicans just want the policies he promised them. He has to deliver that." Put Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., in the camp of those more interested in substance than style. "I'm not a great fan of daily tweets," McConnell said Friday, referring to the "extra discussion" that Trump likes to engage in. But McConnell was quick to add: "What I am a fan of is what he's been actually doing." He credits Trump with assembling a conservative Cabinet and taking steps to reduce government regulation, and promised: "We like his positions and we're going to pursue them as vigorously as we can." The challenge may be to tease out exactly what Trump wants in the way of a health care plan, tax changes and trade policy. At his long and defiant news conference on Thursday, Trump tried to dispel the impression of a White House in crisis, squarely blaming the press for keeping him from moving forward more decisively on his agenda. Pointing to his chief of staff, Reince Priebus, Trump said, "You take a look at Reince, he's working so hard just putting out fires that are fake fires. I mean, they're fake. They're not true. And isn't that a shame because he'd rather be working on health care, he'd rather be working on tax reform." For all the frustrations of his early days as president, Trump still seems tickled by the trappings of his office. When New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie visited the White House last week to discuss the national opioid epidemic over lunch, the governor said Trump informed him: "Chris, you and I are going to have the meatloaf.'" Trump added: "I'm telling you, the meatloaf is fabulous." ___Follow Nancy Benac on Twitter at http://twitter.com/nbenac
    Read More
  • FDR executive order sent 120,000 Japanese immigrants and citizens into camps
    Read More
  • Pruitt's nomination was strongly opposed by environmental groups and hundreds of former EPA employees
    Read More
load morehold SHIFT key to load allload all